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俄乌打这么久，越发佩服当年洪学智的本事，难怪86年美国会那么问,强哥陪你说历史V,原创俄乌打这么久，越发佩服当年洪学智的本事，难怪86年美国会那么问,刚入朝的时候，志愿军能带多少粮弹，就只能打多久,彭德怀把后方交给他时，他自己一开始都不想干,美国人的“绞杀战”，专门冲着后勤线来了,炸弹越来越多，运到前线的物资反而增加了,1986年美国人问的，其实是他们35年前没想明白的问题_我的网站

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A | 俄乌冲突持续多年以后，现代战场上一个很朴素的问题越来越显眼：坦克、火炮、无人机再先进，也得有人送油、送弹、修车、抬伤员。 From 7 a.m. onward Sunday, ballot boxes in Poland started filling up so fast that spare ones had to be dusted off and more ballots needed to be printed. No one had anticipated such long lines throughout the country.Voting was to end at 9 p.m., but by law, polling stations stayed open to accept all who queued up, and the last one closed at 5 a.m. Monday. Some voters braved the night chill for up to eight hours to cast their vote.This resulted in a record turnout of nearly 74% -- highest voter turnout in Poland since 1919 and even higher than that of the first free elections after the fall of communism in 1989.The high turnout confirmed that millions of Poles agree these parliamentary elections may have been the most decisive in the last three decades. Either they would allow the ruling right-wing populist Law and Justice (PiS) party to extend its eight-year hold on power for another four-year term, or they would opt for the return of a liberal democracy.Late poll figures univocally indicate that opposition parties stand a realistic chance to form Poland's next government.The PiS conservatives currently in power took 36% of the vote, but that doesn't translate into a seat majority in parliament, which would allow it to form a Cabinet. Latest polls show they would have 196 deputies in the 460-seat legislature as opposed to 249 seats won by the broad Civic Coalition of opposition parties led by Donald Tusk, former president of the European Council.Sunday's vote was a confrontation of two radically different visions of Poland's future.Conditioned by PiS propaganda that has continually been exploiting fears, PiS supporters claim only that party can secure Poland's sovereignty and protect its interests. The threat of illegal migrants is perhaps the most unifying emotion binding the PiS electorate.Supporters see PiS as their only protector from the alleged dominance of European Union bureaucrats in Brussels and their meddling in Polish affairs.PiS voters turn a blind eye to the fact that the country began to drift toward authoritarian rule, authorities neglect the EU's legal norms and the country continues on a collision course with the Union. Some €36 billion of EU COVID pandemic recovery funds have been frozen in a row over PiS judicial reforms. Many observers believe another PiS term would result in Poland leaving the European Union.Germany, Poland's by far most important trade partner and neighbor, is presented as another source of fear and the country is made out to be an ally of Russia, Poland's greatest foe throughout centuries. But if it's not the threat of German capital buying out Polish industry, then it's the threat of moral decay.In order to appeal to radical voters who accuse the government of extending excessive welfare to Ukrainian refugees, authorities cynically strained relations with Kyiv.PiS voters declare the fear that if the party loses, the next government would take away the generous social benefits PiS guaranteed, such as 14 pensions, child care payments and early retirement.Those who Sunday voted for parties forming the anti-PiS coalition declare they voted for a Poland securely rooted in the European Union.In radio and TV street interviews, they say they want to see Poland mend its strained relations with neighbors, particularly Germany and Ukraine.They do not want to see the Catholic Church influencing state affairs.Sixty-four percent of those polled declare they're in favor of same-sex marriages, and 70% want the new government to liberalize the current strict anti-abortion law.It is uncertain whether Poland's new government will be prepared to meet the more liberal postulates voters expect. The potential ruling coalition's unifying factor is its pro-democratic, pro-EU, anti-PiS stance. Other than that, they often differ in their proposed policies and outlook. They're a broad coalition composed of parties spanning from the far left to liberal conservative.The Civic Coalition's clear victory makes it the only faction in parliament able to constitute Poland's new government. But first, Polish President Andrzej Duda, a PiS nominee, will need to designate a prime minister. Most likely, against the odds, he will name a PiS candidate. That candidate will have little realistic chance of being approved by parliament, and Poland may be faced with many weeks of squabbling and chaos. Constitutionalists predict it may not be until December that Poland gets its new government.。

B | 2026年《解放军报》谈现代战场工程防护时还专门提到，俄乌等近期冲突中，卫星侦察、无人机和精确制导武器的广泛使用，让交通线、后勤节点和固定设施越来越容易暴露。七十多年前的朝鲜战场没有今天这么多无人机，美军的飞机却已经把这个问题摆到了志愿军面前。到了1986年10月，洪学智以解放军总后勤部部长身份访问美国。晚宴上，美军太平洋舰队司令莱昂斯突然问他：“将军是哪个军校毕业的？”洪学智的回答很有意思，他说自己的“学校”就是美国空军。中国军网后来解释这句话时写得很直白：当年的美军空袭，硬是把一个原本主要带兵打仗的将领逼成了现代军事后勤专家。

C | 美国人几十年后还问这一句，并不奇怪。

D | 因为他们当年真没弄明白，那条运输线为什么一直断不了。洪学智去朝鲜以前并不是专门搞后勤的干部。

E | 1950年10月，他作为中国人民志愿军副司令员入朝，分管司令部、特种兵和后勤等工作。 当时志愿军甚至没有后来那种独立完整的战区后勤体系，很多供应还需要依靠国内和东北方向组织。

F | 以前在国内打仗，部队有时能够就地筹粮，武器装备还可以大量依靠战场缴获。到了朝鲜，这套办法一下遇到了麻烦。

G | 当地经过战争破坏，几十万人的军队不可能全靠附近村庄解决给养；美军又拥有很强的空中力量，缴获的重装备还没来得及利用，就可能遭到飞机轰炸。弹药型号也越来越复杂，靠“打到什么用什么”已经很难支撑大规模现代战争。前几次战役打下来，一个限制越来越明显：前线许多粮食和弹药需要战士自己背，一轮大规模进攻往往只能维持约7天。 李奇微后来注意到这个规律，把志愿军这种攻势称为“礼拜攻势”。进攻几天以后，弹药少了，人也疲劳，补给又没及时赶到，美军就抓住间隙反击。战士敢不敢打，在这里已经不是全部问题。

H | 山那边有十万发炮弹，送不到炮位，等于没有。后方仓库有粮食，汽车开不到前线，战士照样饿肚子。洪学智后来一辈子搞后勤，很大一部分起点就在这几个月里。第五次战役前后，洪学智回国汇报朝鲜战场的供应问题。他提出的已经不是“再多给几辆汽车”这样的小修小补，而是要求把后方重新组织起来：防空、通信、铁道、工兵、兵站、运输不能各干各的，需要有一个机构统一指挥。中央军委随后决定成立中国人民志愿军后方勤务司令部，洪学智兼任司令员。后来洪学智的儿子洪虎回忆，父亲起初还不愿接这个差事，觉得自己本来是军事干部，彭德怀最终还是把任务压给了他。这个机构成立以后，朝鲜后方才逐渐有了一套完整骨架。

I | 物资从国内进入朝鲜以后，不再只靠一条道路从头送到底；铁路、公路、兵站开始分段连接，哪里断了就换线路，汽车送不到的地方继续倒运，重要仓库也尽量转入半地下或者隐蔽位置。

J | 1951年8月又成立中朝联合铁路运输司令部，后来进一步把运输、抢修、高炮防护结合起来。

K | 洪学智处理的问题很少有什么传奇色彩。每天都是桥。路。油。

L | 粮。

M | 汽车。

N | 伤员。可战争拖到几个月以后，这些东西比一场漂亮冲锋更容易决定前线还能不能继续打。 1951年夏天，朝鲜北部又碰上几十年少见的大洪水，公路、铁路和仓库大面积受损。紧跟着，美军开始强化针对志愿军后方运输系统的空中封锁，试图从铁路桥梁、车站和公路节点下手，把前线同后方割开。中国军网的军史资料记载，1951年8月至1952年6月的“绞杀战”期间，美军一度把大部分空中力量集中用于破坏运输线。 铁路枢纽、桥梁和汽车都是重点目标。

o | 战争期间，美军飞机出动规模达到百万架次级别，运输线长期处在空袭压力之下。打到这个程度，靠一条修得特别结实的公路没有用。

p | 今天修好，明天还会炸。志愿军后勤后来采取的办法更像是在和飞机比恢复速度。桥炸坏了，抢修；大桥暂时修不了，就搭便桥、绕行线；铁路一边不能走，就想办法利用还能通的一边；公路沿线修汽车隐蔽所，车辆夜间行驶，防空哨负责观察敌机，一有情况就报警。铁路、公路、漕运也能根据情况接起来使用。有个变化很能看出效果。战争初期司机夜间不开灯，怕遭敌机发现，一夜往往只能跑30至40公里，撞车翻车还不少。防空哨、隐蔽点以及道路条件逐渐改善以后，到1952年，部分夜间运输距离已经提高到200公里以上。中国军网统计，汽车损失率也从第一年的约40%逐年大幅下降。这不是某个司机忽然变勇敢了。路、哨兵、通信、抢修、掩体一起改变以后，汽车才敢跑得更快。

q | 这里还有一组数字，比“钢铁运输线”几个字更有意思。根据《解放军报》刊载的抗美援朝后勤资料，1951年1月至1952年2月，美军对志愿军后方的轰炸强度大幅增加，而志愿军物资运输量反而增加了两倍以上。 国防部刊载的洪虎回忆还记录，经过后勤体系不断改进，汽车和物资损失都明显下降，运输效率提高。

r | 铁路上的情况同样如此。1951年7月，美军对铁路的轰炸次数已经是当年1月的数倍，铁路运输量却比1月更高；到1952年，美军轰炸强度继续上升，铁路仍没有被彻底压死。

s | 美国远东空军的人员后来曾把一个问题称为“谜”：中国军队的后勤为什么一直没有中断？相关军史资料甚至记载，美军方面战后很想见见负责这套后勤系统的人。这件事放到今天看，容易产生一个误解，好像洪学智靠几个奇招骗过了美国空军。

t | 实际规模要大得多。后方有铁道兵、汽车兵、高炮部队、工兵、仓库、兵站、通信人员，还有大量中朝群众参与抢修和运输。

u | 反“绞杀战”时期，仅后勤战线就有十几万人，大规模修路时甚至要动员二线作战部队一起干。洪学智的作用，是把这些过去分散的力量逐渐放进一个统一的保障体系。这才是他难学的地方。会修一座桥的人很多。能让桥梁、汽车、防空、仓库、铁路和几十万人的供应同时转起来，是另一回事。洪学智自己文化程度并不高。中国军网介绍1986年那段往事时特别提到，他甚至没有接受过完整的小学教育。可这个人后来两次担任解放军总后勤部部长，1988年再次被授予上将军衔。到了1986年的美国晚宴上，美军太平洋舰队司令问他是哪所军校毕业的，表面看是普通寒暄。洪学智为什么偏偏回答“美国空军”？因为他1950年进入朝鲜时，也没有现成答案。美国人先用飞机告诉志愿军，现代战争的后方一样是战场；一座桥、一个仓库、一队汽车都可以成为打击目标。洪学智和志愿军后勤部队随后花了三年时间，学会怎么在这种条件下让前线继续吃饭、开炮、补充人员，把伤员送下来。